31 December 2014
30 December 2014
29 December 2014
24 December 2014
23 December 2014
22 December 2014
19 December 2014
18 December 2014
17 December 2014
16 December 2014
The Fabric of Our Lives
The brutal history of cotton debunks many of the most popular myths about capitalism.
Eric Herschthal
Eric Herschthal
15 December 2014
12 December 2014
11 December 2014
10 December 2014
09 December 2014
08 December 2014
05 December 2014
04 December 2014
03 December 2014
02 December 2014
01 December 2014
28 November 2014
27 November 2014
26 November 2014
25 November 2014
24 November 2014
21 November 2014
20 November 2014
19 November 2014
18 November 2014
17 November 2014
14 November 2014
13 November 2014
12 November 2014
11 November 2014
10 November 2014
07 November 2014
06 November 2014
05 November 2014
04 November 2014
03 November 2014
31 October 2014
30 October 2014
Sins of Omission
Citizenfour is a fine documentary. Too bad the director glossed over some important details—and Edward Snowden didn’t gloss over more.
Fred Kaplan
Fred Kaplan
29 October 2014
28 October 2014
27 October 2014
24 October 2014
23 October 2014
21 October 2014
20 October 2014
17 October 2014
16 October 2014
15 October 2014
14 October 2014
13 October 2014
10 October 2014
09 October 2014
08 October 2014
07 October 2014
06 October 2014
03 October 2014
02 October 2014
01 October 2014
30 September 2014
29 September 2014
26 September 2014
25 September 2014
24 September 2014
23 September 2014
22 September 2014
19 September 2014
18 September 2014
17 September 2014
16 September 2014
15 September 2014
The case against time zones: They're impractical & outdated
Matthew Yglesias argues loudly for a return to higher transactions costs for some inexplicable reason.
12 September 2014
11 September 2014
10 September 2014
09 September 2014
08 September 2014
05 September 2014
04 September 2014
03 September 2014
02 September 2014
01 September 2014
29 August 2014
28 August 2014
27 August 2014
National Review’s Dishonest History
John Fund thinks blacks have been fooled into supporting Democrats. That’s even more insulting than his misleading history of Jim Crow laws.
26 August 2014
25 August 2014
22 August 2014
Let them eat cosmopolitanism
Ryan Avent:
Mr Cowen's piece looks like an effort to guilt elites into abandoning a realistic view of the political economy of globalisation by charging them with nationalism. Either that, or he is expressing what are essentially plutocratic concerns, hiding behind the gentler cloak of egalitarianism.
21 August 2014
20 August 2014
19 August 2014
18 August 2014
15 August 2014
14 August 2014
13 August 2014
12 August 2014
11 August 2014
08 August 2014
07 August 2014
06 August 2014
05 August 2014
04 August 2014
01 August 2014
31 July 2014
30 July 2014
29 July 2014
28 July 2014
25 July 2014
24 July 2014
22 July 2014
Understanding the New Classical revolution
Simon Wren-Lewis discusses the emergence of the New Classical School. This led to a number of good follow-on posts.
Mark Thoma added his take.
Paul Krugman weighed in.
Noah Smith brought it up to today.
Mark Thoma added his take.
Paul Krugman weighed in.
Noah Smith brought it up to today.
18 July 2014
16 July 2014
15 July 2014
11 July 2014
10 July 2014
08 July 2014
07 July 2014
04 July 2014
The Corporates and the Crazies
Paul Krugman:
By pivoting so hard to the GOP, the money has lost much of its leverage over the Democrats — yes, there’s Andrew Cuomo and people like him, but it’s not the same as once it was.
03 July 2014
02 July 2014
01 July 2014
30 June 2014
27 June 2014
26 June 2014
19 June 2014
18 June 2014
17 June 2014
13 June 2014
Unjust Deserts
Brad DeLong
Suppose that, somehow, you are paid your genuine marginal product to society. The fact that you are lucky enough to be in a position to extract your marginal product is a matter of, well, luck. Others are not so lucky. Others find that their bargaining power is limited – perhaps to what their standard of living would be if they moved to the Yukon and lived off the land. Do you deserve your luck? By definition, no: nobody deserves luck. And what do you owe those who would be in a position to get what they deserve if you had not been lucky enough to get there first?
You can be a beneficiary of racism even if you’re not a racist
Ezra Klein on the multiplier effects of racist institutions
12 June 2014
11 June 2014
Do Conservatives Have Any New Ideas?
There may be a more fundamental problem with reforming conservative ideas. Over the last few decades, the definition of “conservative” has hardened into dogma. “Less government” -- deregulation, lower taxes and privatization -- is “conservative.” Any policy that doesn't include cutting government is “liberal.”
But there are a lot more ways to use government than not to use it, so the universe of “conservative” policy is therefore much smaller than the set of “liberal” ones. There are a million and one interventions, but there’s only one free market.
10 June 2014
Driverless cars will mean the end of mass car ownership
Timothy B. Lee
Because the US is a high-wage country, it's cheaper to own a car that sits idle 23 hours per day than to hire a human driver for one hour every day.
09 June 2014
Deflating Expectations
Zachary Karabell on why macroeconomists may be unequipped to solve today's problems
06 June 2014
05 June 2014
04 June 2014
Reading "Capital": Chapters 10, 11, and 12
Ryan Avent
The main problem is a meta-problem, in other words. Inequality matters because, like it or not, inequality matters. In most states of the world, inequality will tend to rise unless countered, by economic shocks or deliberate policy choices. Active concern over and management of inequality may help reduce the odds that society rejects as unjust the institutions underlying an economy, potentially in chaotic and violent fashion.
03 June 2014
02 June 2014
30 May 2014
29 May 2014
28 May 2014
Inside the President’s Inner Circle
Sandra Sobieraj Westfall
After his latest stint in Washington, economics professor Alan Krueger is back on campus with new, eclectic interests — and stories to tell
After his latest stint in Washington, economics professor Alan Krueger is back on campus with new, eclectic interests — and stories to tell
27 May 2014
26 May 2014
Capital in the Twenty-First Century at The Graduate Center, CUNY [video]
With Joseph Stiglitz (Columbia University), Paul Krugman (Princeton University), and Steven Durlauf (University of Wisconsin--Madison)
via Mark Thoma
23 May 2014
22 May 2014
21 May 2014
20 May 2014
19 May 2014
16 May 2014
14 May 2014
13 May 2014
Thomas Piketty doesn’t hate capitalism
Matthew Yglesias
Piketty:
"My point is not to increase taxation of wealth. It's actually to reduce taxation of wealth for most people"
Also:
“[A trip he took with a close friend to Romania in early 1990, after the collapse of the Soviet empire] sort of vaccinated me for life against lazy, anticapitalist rhetoric, because when you see these empty shops, you see these people queuing for nothing in the street,” he said, “it became clear to me that we need private property and market institutions, not just for economic efficiency but for personal freedom.”
Piketty:
"My point is not to increase taxation of wealth. It's actually to reduce taxation of wealth for most people"
Also:
“[A trip he took with a close friend to Romania in early 1990, after the collapse of the Soviet empire] sort of vaccinated me for life against lazy, anticapitalist rhetoric, because when you see these empty shops, you see these people queuing for nothing in the street,” he said, “it became clear to me that we need private property and market institutions, not just for economic efficiency but for personal freedom.”
12 May 2014
09 May 2014
Economist Receives Rock Star Treatment
Jennifer Schuessler
[This is the first time this headline, or one anything like it, has ever appeared in this space.]
[This is the first time this headline, or one anything like it, has ever appeared in this space.]
06 May 2014
02 May 2014
01 May 2014
29 April 2014
28 April 2014
25 April 2014
24 April 2014
23 April 2014
22 April 2014
A guide to navigating our arguments over race
Paul Waldman
On one side, liberals have been appalled and dismayed at the kind of ugliness the Obama presidency has brought out in so many people. They’re also gobsmacked by the conservative refusal to acknowledge the persistence of racism in so many areas of American life. On the other side, it is almost impossible to overstate the degree to which conservatives believe they are constantly subjected to unfair accusations of racism.
21 April 2014
18 April 2014
Innovation: The Government Was Crucial After All
Jeff Madrick
“The great advances of civilization,” wrote Milton Friedman in Capitalism and Freedom, his influential best seller published in 1962, “whether in architecture or painting, in science or literature, in industry or agriculture, have never come from centralized government.” He did not say what he made of the state-sponsored art of Athens’s Periclean Age or the Medici family, who, as Europe’s dominant bankers but then as Florentine rulers, commissioned and financed so much Renaissance art. Or the Spanish court that gave us Velázquez. Or the many public universities that produced great scientists in our times. Or, even just before Friedman was writing, what could he have made of the Manhattan Project of the US government, which produced the atomic bomb? Or the National Institutes of Health, whose government-supported grants led to many of the most important pharmaceutical breakthroughs?
We could perhaps forgive Friedman’s ill-informed remarks as a burst of ideological enthusiasm if so many economists and business executives didn’t accept this myth as largely true. We hear time and again from those who should know better that government is a hindrance to the innovation that produces economic growth. Above all, the government should not try to pick “winners” by investing in what may be the next great companies. Many orthodox economists insist that the government should just get out of the way.
17 April 2014
16 April 2014
15 April 2014
11 April 2014
10 April 2014
09 April 2014
Why Those Guys Won the Economics Nobels
Justin Fox
Justin Fox: We should get back to Hansen. You’ve got this wonderful line in your paper about meeting him and “sensing that his penetrating insight would require effort to fully understand but would amply reward the undertaking.”
John Campbell: Lots of distinguished economists have had this experience of either reading a Lars Hansen paper or listening to a Lars Hansen presentation and feeling that it’s a sort of message from the future — like an alien artifact dropped from a flying saucer. That is, potentially amazing technology if you can only figure out how it works. Lars is famous for that.
08 April 2014
Fleecing Seniors
Jonathan B. Wight
Real interest rates are low because of supply and demand. Supply of capital has increased relative to demand. That has lowered the reward for saving. That is the market speaking.
There is no magic “normal” real rate of interest that seniors are entitled to.
07 April 2014
04 April 2014
03 April 2014
02 April 2014
Violence Vouchers: A Descriptive Account of Property
Matt Bruenig
This is a convenient opportunity to remind readers that publishing links here does not imply endorsement, simply interest. That said, I think this is an interesting, if flawed, framework within which to view property and exchange.
This is a convenient opportunity to remind readers that publishing links here does not imply endorsement, simply interest. That said, I think this is an interesting, if flawed, framework within which to view property and exchange.
01 April 2014
Why Whites Support Capital Punishment
Jamelle Bouie
"Religion—or at least, Protestantism—seems to increase the divide. At 67 percent in favor, white evangelical Protestants are more likely than any other group to support the death penalty, followed closely by white mainline Protestants (64 percent). Catholics are the least likely among religious whites to support capital punishment, though 59 percent are still in favor. On the other end, religious blacks and Latinos are even less likely than their peers to support the death penalty."
"Religion—or at least, Protestantism—seems to increase the divide. At 67 percent in favor, white evangelical Protestants are more likely than any other group to support the death penalty, followed closely by white mainline Protestants (64 percent). Catholics are the least likely among religious whites to support capital punishment, though 59 percent are still in favor. On the other end, religious blacks and Latinos are even less likely than their peers to support the death penalty."
31 March 2014
Sacred and Profane: How not to negotiate with believers
Malcolm Gladwell
"It is useful to compare the Branch Davidians with the Mormons of the mid-nineteenth century. The Mormons were vilified in those years in large part because Joseph Smith believed in polygamy. But the Cornell historian R. Laurence Moore, in his classic book Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans, points out that the moral hysteria over the Mormons was misplaced. The Mormons were quintessential Americans. 'Like the Puritans before them, the Mormons linked disciplined labor with religious duty,' Moore writes. 'Mormon culture promoted all the virtues usually associated with the formation of middle-class consciousness—thrift, the denial of immediate gratification, and strict control over one’s passions.' Polygamy, the practice that so excited popular passions, was of little importance to the Church: 'First, the vast majority of nineteenth century Mormons did not practice polygamy, and many of them found it distasteful, at least as a way of conducting their own lives. Second, those who did practice plural marriage scarcely exhibited the lascivious behavior made familiar in anti-Mormon literature. Plural wives were commonly the widowed or unmarried sisters of the original wife.'
So why were nineteenth-century Americans so upset with the Mormons? Moore’s answer is that Americans thought the Mormons were different from them because the Mormons themselves 'said they were different and because their claims, frequently advanced in the most obnoxious way possible, prompted others to agree and to treat them as such.' In order to give his followers a sense of identity and resilience, Joseph Smith 'required them to maintain certain fictions of cultural apartness.' Moore describes this as a very American pattern. Countless religious innovators over the years have played the game of establishing an identity for themselves by accentuating their otherness. Koresh faced the same problem, and he, too, made his claims, at least in the eyes of the outside world, 'in the most obnoxious way possible.'
The risks of such a strategy are obvious. Mainstream American society finds it easiest to be tolerant when the outsider chooses to minimize the differences that separate him from the majority. The country club opens its doors to Jews. The university welcomes African-Americans. Heterosexuals extend the privilege of marriage to the gay community. Whenever these liberal feats are accomplished, we congratulate ourselves. But it is not exactly a major moral accomplishment for Waspy golfers to accept Jews who have decided that they, too, wish to play golf. It is a much harder form of tolerance to accept an outsider group that chooses to maximize its differences from the broader culture. And the lesson of Clive Doyle’s memoir—and the battle of Mount Carmel—is that Americans aren’t very good at respecting the freedom of others to be so obnoxiously different. Many Mormons, incidentally, would say the same thing. When the Mormons settled in Nauvoo, Illinois, local public opinion turned against them. Joseph Smith was charged with perjury and adultery, then arrested for inciting a riot. While he was in custody awaiting trial, in 1844, an armed mob stormed the prison and shot him dead."
"It is useful to compare the Branch Davidians with the Mormons of the mid-nineteenth century. The Mormons were vilified in those years in large part because Joseph Smith believed in polygamy. But the Cornell historian R. Laurence Moore, in his classic book Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans, points out that the moral hysteria over the Mormons was misplaced. The Mormons were quintessential Americans. 'Like the Puritans before them, the Mormons linked disciplined labor with religious duty,' Moore writes. 'Mormon culture promoted all the virtues usually associated with the formation of middle-class consciousness—thrift, the denial of immediate gratification, and strict control over one’s passions.' Polygamy, the practice that so excited popular passions, was of little importance to the Church: 'First, the vast majority of nineteenth century Mormons did not practice polygamy, and many of them found it distasteful, at least as a way of conducting their own lives. Second, those who did practice plural marriage scarcely exhibited the lascivious behavior made familiar in anti-Mormon literature. Plural wives were commonly the widowed or unmarried sisters of the original wife.'
So why were nineteenth-century Americans so upset with the Mormons? Moore’s answer is that Americans thought the Mormons were different from them because the Mormons themselves 'said they were different and because their claims, frequently advanced in the most obnoxious way possible, prompted others to agree and to treat them as such.' In order to give his followers a sense of identity and resilience, Joseph Smith 'required them to maintain certain fictions of cultural apartness.' Moore describes this as a very American pattern. Countless religious innovators over the years have played the game of establishing an identity for themselves by accentuating their otherness. Koresh faced the same problem, and he, too, made his claims, at least in the eyes of the outside world, 'in the most obnoxious way possible.'
The risks of such a strategy are obvious. Mainstream American society finds it easiest to be tolerant when the outsider chooses to minimize the differences that separate him from the majority. The country club opens its doors to Jews. The university welcomes African-Americans. Heterosexuals extend the privilege of marriage to the gay community. Whenever these liberal feats are accomplished, we congratulate ourselves. But it is not exactly a major moral accomplishment for Waspy golfers to accept Jews who have decided that they, too, wish to play golf. It is a much harder form of tolerance to accept an outsider group that chooses to maximize its differences from the broader culture. And the lesson of Clive Doyle’s memoir—and the battle of Mount Carmel—is that Americans aren’t very good at respecting the freedom of others to be so obnoxiously different. Many Mormons, incidentally, would say the same thing. When the Mormons settled in Nauvoo, Illinois, local public opinion turned against them. Joseph Smith was charged with perjury and adultery, then arrested for inciting a riot. While he was in custody awaiting trial, in 1844, an armed mob stormed the prison and shot him dead."
27 March 2014
Roundup of Arguments Contra-Piketty
Probably still too early for good, sound rebuttals to Capital in the Twenty-First Century, but, until we get one of those, have a look-see at this stuff:
Arnold Kling doesn't understand, because he thinks the premise is impossible because, well, he never quite says...
Will Wilkinson just doesn't want to talk about it.
Robin Hanson sees invisible taxes.
Tyler Cowen promises he'll have more to say later, and his readers say "THEFT! OMG!!"
Any more found will be added to this list. If you have one, leave it in the comments and I will add it on.
[Cross posted at the Blog]
Arnold Kling doesn't understand, because he thinks the premise is impossible because, well, he never quite says...
Will Wilkinson just doesn't want to talk about it.
Robin Hanson sees invisible taxes.
Tyler Cowen promises he'll have more to say later, and his readers say "THEFT! OMG!!"
Any more found will be added to this list. If you have one, leave it in the comments and I will add it on.
[Cross posted at the Blog]
26 March 2014
21 March 2014
Needed: Meaningful Progress on Income Inequality
Chris House
I submit to you that this state of affairs is simply unacceptable. This current degree of income inequality is probably the most disruptive, most corrosive and most troubling problem confronting the U.S. economy today. Even if inequality is a “natural” consequence of market based economies it doesn’t mean that we should tolerate it. (Bee-stings and allergies are also natural but you don’t just stand there and do nothing while your friend goes into anaphylactic shock.) I only need to watch 10 min of the Real Housewives of Orange County before I become convinced that we are really in dire need of aggressive income redistribution. It would be nice to see someone make a reality show called The Real Housewives of Gary Indiana; or the Real Housewives of Flint Michigan; or the Real Housewives of Allentown Pennsylvania.
20 March 2014
19 March 2014
Piketty on Economists
Thomas Piketty:
via Matt Bruenig
To put it bluntly, the discipline of economics has yet to get over its childish passion for mathematics and for purely theoretical and often highly ideological speculation, at the expense of historical research and collaboration with the other social sciences. Economists are all too often preoccupied with petty mathematical problems of interest only to themselves. This obsession with mathematics is an easy way of acquiring the appearance of scientificity without having to answer the far more complex questions posed by the world we live in. There is one great advantage of being an academic economist in France: here, economists are not highly respected in the academic and intellectual world or by political and financial elites. Hence they must set aside their contempt for other disciplines and their absurd claim to greater scientific legitimacy, despite the fact that they know almost nothing about anything.
via Matt Bruenig
Inequality in Capitalist Systems Is Not Inevitable
Mark Thoma
Capitalism is the best economic system yet discovered for giving people the goods and services they desire at the lowest possible price, and for producing innovative economic growth. But there is a cost associated with these benefits, the boom and bust cycles inherent in capitalist systems, and those costs hit working class households – who have done nothing to deserve such a fate – very hard. Protecting innocent households from the costs of recessions is an important basis for our social insurance programs.
18 March 2014
Redistribution, inequality, and sustainable growth: Reconsidering the evidence
Jonathan D Ostry, Andrew Berg, and Charalambos Tsangarides
Inequality has the potential to undermine growth. However, greater redistribution requires higher tax rates, which reduce incentives to work and save. Moreover, the evidence that inequality is bad for growth might simply reflect the fact that more unequal societies choose to redistribute more, and those efforts are antithetical to growth. This column presents evidence from a new dataset on pre- and post-tax inequality. The authors find that income equality is protective of growth, and that redistributive transfers on average have little if any direct adverse impact on growth.
America’s Long and Productive History of Class Warfare
Justin Fox
What’s been unique, or at least highly unusual, has been the environment in which entrepreneurs and business executives were able to operate from the late 1970s through the early 2000s. Taxes dropped, high-end incomes exploded, and hardly anybody complained at all. Far from complaining, in fact, the news media for the most part celebrated the recipients of those exploding incomes for their boldness, creativity, and economic importance. It was a pretty stinking awesome time to be a plutocrat: You got to make billions of dollars, pay far less in taxes than you would have a quarter-century before, and get your face on the cover of Forbes or Fortune (or maybe even the top of your head on the cover of HBR).
17 March 2014
An Assessment of the Effectiveness of Anti-Poverty Programs in the United States
Yonatan Ben-Shalom, Robert A. Moffitt, and John Karl Scholz
This paper assesses the effectiveness of means-tested and social insurance programs in the United States. The U.S. benefit system has a major impact on poverty rates, reducing the percentage of the poor in 2004 from 29 to 13.5 percent. The system reduces poverty the most for persons with disabilities and the elderly and least for several groups among the nonelderly and nondisabled. While there are significant behavioral side effects of many programs, their aggregate impact is very small and does not affect the magnitude of the aggregate poverty impact of the system.
15 March 2014
14 March 2014
Envy Versus Anger
Paul Krugman
When people say that they have lost their belief that hard work will be rewarded, they aren't saying that they are envious of the rich; they’re saying that they have lost their belief that hard work will be rewarded.
Communists have seized the IMF!
Howard Schneider
Having started the research with a basic belief in Okun's original "trade-off," what they found surprised them: "Redistribution appears generally benign in terms of its impact on growth." Redistribution, as Okun posited, may be a direct drag on the economy. But the reduction in inequality provided a boost that was as large or larger. On average, across a group of countries that included the U.S. and industrialized western nations as well as developing markets, "the combined...effects of redistribution -- including the growth effects of the resulting lower inequality -- are on average pro-growth."
13 March 2014
What do voluntary mean?
Matt Bruenig
Conservatives have to somehow thread the needle here and claim that requiring people to follow property and contract regulations in the course of engaging in commerce is consistent with voluntarism while claiming that requiring people to follow anti-discrimination regulations is not.
12 March 2014
Down the Up Staircase
Paul Krugman
The point is that even in the best of worlds, only a few people will live out Horatio Alger stories; the quality of our society depends on what happens to everyone else.
11 March 2014
10 March 2014
An Unthinkably Modern Miracle
John Fischer
Much of the recent debate over healthcare reform has been cast in terms of personal finance. Politicians on both sides of the aisle have cited a 2009 American Journal of Medicine article claiming that more than half of all personal bankruptcies are the result of large medical bills. But while that particular statistic sounds compelling, it actually downplays the full scope of issue. Politifact, a political fact-checking website, crunched the data and determined that during the term of the Journal’s study, the total number of declared medical bankruptcies was only about 500,000. For context, that’s somewhere above gun deaths but below traffic accidents. More recent stats, from a price-comparison startup called NerdWallet, suggest that 10 million Americans with year-round health insurance face the broader and more troubling onus of “medical bills they are unable to pay.” Which is a bit more than double the amount of foreclosures completed during the financial crisis.
...
But for all the sloganeering—death panels and socialism and Obamacare—that will mark the early 2010s as indelibly as O.J. Simpson and Monica Lewinsky marked the 1990s, the Affordable Care Act simply isn’t that revolutionary. It is basically a stew of incentives and regulations meant to incrementally decrease costs and increase standards. It seeks to turn health insurance companies into something more like public utilities, and applies the same “race to the top” logic of performance-based (rather than pay-per-service) evaluation used in school systems to hospitals. Even its most controversial provision, fining individuals who don’t carry a policy, is not all that different than car or homeowner’s insurance. In other words, the Affordable Care Act is a partial fix, not a fundamental redefinition. Like most of President Obama’s other policy initiatives, it works to adjust rather than re-invent.
09 March 2014
07 March 2014
06 March 2014
05 March 2014
04 March 2014
Screw Up In High School, If You Are Rich
Matt Bruenig
First, notice the collectivist nature of McCardle’s point. We should encourage kids to take failure-prone risks because a handful of them will pan out and that will be good for society as a whole. Why should individuals take on risks that have high chances of failure for the benefit of society as a whole when the individuals are the ones that will suffer the consequences of the failure? If taking failure-prone risks is, in aggregate, a social good, then maybe society should bear some of the costs of those who fail by, for instance, making sure that they do not wind up destitute, hungry, without health care, and so on.
03 March 2014
The Fed in 2008
Chris House
I am struck by the amount of detailed discussion of the architecture of the financial system in the transcripts. I’m sure many of you are thinking “duh — what else do you think the Fed discusses at its meetings?” Well, I agree, but the contrast with academic treatments of monetary policy is stark. As I wrote in a previous post, in my assessment, many macroeconomic researchers have been far too concerned with the details of price rigidity and far too indifferent about the details of financial arrangements. It seems that these details were occupying center stage during the financial crisis and we had better start to get a better picture of how these arrangements interact with monetary policy actions if we hope to respond appropriately to the next crisis.
01 March 2014
28 February 2014
27 February 2014
26 February 2014
25 February 2014
24 February 2014
21 February 2014
20 February 2014
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